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One UK digital identity system runs into the politics of Ireland, Scotland, Wales

One UK digital identity system runs into the politics of Ireland, Scotland, Wales
 

It can be easy to think of the UK as one unified country but when local elections occur, the reality of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland becomes readily apparent. The four nations of the UK vote in ways that reveal the unique historical and political narratives of Scotland, Northern Ireland, England and Wales. The differences in political, legal and cultural identity inevitably spill over into digital identity.

Northern Ireland is where the conversation around identity can be most fraught, since it’s separate from the British mainland and shares the island of Ireland with that Republic. The Irish have long memories of the British, and in Northern Ireland digital ID intersects with questions of nationality and political identity.

Meanwhile, Dublin is wary of any system that could complicate free movement or create preferential treatment of Irish citizens. UK ID plans, known as “Brit cards” in the media, were proposed some two decades ago with the intention of reducing the risk of terrorism, identity fraud and public administration challenges. In RTE, the authors note that Irish officials were concerned in the mid-2000s that “some elements in the Irish community” could be reluctant to have the British state “maintain information on them.”

Sensitivity over surveillance, policing and identity persist in Northern Ireland. A person interviewed by The Irish News also summarizes one aspect of the Irish and British identity issue. “It’s a big no-no for me. I am Irish. I’m an Irish citizen. I don’t like to carry any British thing around with me,” Jim Kelly told the news outlet.

Dublin has raised questions about how a UK digital identity system would interact with the Common Travel Area (CTA), which guarantees free movement and equal treatment for Irish citizens in the UK. Digital ID checks could create practical or symbolic barriers for Irish citizens living in Northern Ireland or Britain.

When Keir Starmer proposed mandatory ID cards in September, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) said it would not support the plans and described the compulsory scheme as “worrying.” This came from the most pro-British party in Belfast. Sinn Fein vice president Michelle O’Neill called it “ludicrous.”

As for the Scottish government, it is very much opposed to a compulsory UK identity card. Edinburgh’s firm opposition was clearly communicated to the media, while in a Freedom of Information request, Scottish ministers are seen scrambling to find out more about Number 10’s plans and their implications for Scotland in email correspondence.

In an interview with The Sunday Mail, Scotland First Minister John Swinney said that he believed the idea for a UK digital ID would require Scotland’s consent and that “we will not give that consent in the Scottish Parliament.”

The First Minister, who represents the independent-minded Scottish National Party, claimed digital IDs are an “attack on our liberty and privacy;” did not like the idea of a “Brit Card” and thought it was a waste of money when people are struggling with the cost of living. Swinney vowed he would use the lack of legislative consent to block the idea in Scotland. The Scottish parliament has the most extensive devolved powers in the UK, giving it a greater legislative autonomy compared to Wales and Northern Ireland.

Wales appears no less fervent in its opposition to Starmer’s digital ID plans. More than 154,000 people across Wales signed a petition to stop the plans, according to Nation Cymru. In a nation of 3.13 million people, Welsh nationalism is rising with popular support for Plaid Cymru’s brand of progressive, left-leaning nationalism. However, Welsh Conservatives also opposed the compulsory ID, arguing that the costs could be better put to struggling public services.

In late April, Cardiff joined in the events, organized by the Together Declaration, to call on the government to ditch digital ID plans. The rallies were also held in London, Edinburgh and Belfast. The organizers believe digital ID plans would harm civil liberties by introducing a “papers please” society with verification systems controlling essential activities.

Starmer’s tricky position

In the King’s Speech on May 13, Starmer set out his legislative agenda, signalling that the Digital Access to Services Bill would go ahead. The King said digital ID will be introduced. But it’s likely it won’t be compulsory after the UK government revised its position in January, confirming it would proceed on a voluntary basis, as opposition from various corners mounted.

In addition, Starmer’s position as prime minister is weak. Following poor local election results for Labour across the UK, and even in traditional Labour strongholds such as Wales, various junior and senior Labour ministers have resigned from government. More than 90 Labour MPs have publicly called for Starmer to resign.

While it is still unclear if a candidate will successfully take over, Starmer has diminished political clout and the devolved nations sound emboldened. But London’s authority over the union remains. This was evident in a leaked memo from Downing Street, when the prime minister argued against an “overly deferential” approach to the devolved governments. Starmer told his cabinet to feel confident spending money on the nations “even when devolved government may oppose this,” reported the BBC.

Representatives of the SNP, and Plaid Cymru, which got hold of the memo, were quick to criticize Starmer’s comments. London maintains ultimate sovereignty over the devolved governments, but the reality is thornier. Political fallout is hard to predict especially when the prime minister’s authority is being challenged.

Digital ID is still on the cards but the populations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are represented by parties who are firmly opposed to it. With nationalism on the rise, British identity has always been complicated in the four nations. A digital ID has been a historically hard sell in the UK, and we haven’t even mentioned the English.

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